By: Jeb Sprague - HaitiAnalysis
Like other cases of political
violence in Haiti, it is vital that the killers of Haitian journalist Jean
Dominique (murdered in 2000) be brought to justice. Over the years though it is
clear that the case has been politicized and exploited for political gain on
different occasions. From what I have gathered the new charges related to
the Jean Dominique case became known in December and do not implicate
Aristide. The charges also appear to rely solely upon one account from a former
security official who was implicated in drug trafficking and previously cut
deals with the U.S. justice department to shorten his time in U.S. federal
prison.
The story and the inaccurate
way in which it has been covered has been pushed by Martelly's press agent
Guy Delva. Guy Delva formerly worked for Reuters, but currently is a press
agent for the Martelly regime.
The timing of the court charges and the
inaccurate way in which Delva has explained
the court charges (picked up by Reuters and repeated uncritically and ad nauseum
by groups like reporters sans frontiers and rightwing commentators) are
meant to draw attention away from the growing crisis over the Martelly
government's connections with the narco trade. By this, I refer to
the arrest in late 2013 of Martelly's close friend Daniel Evinks with two dozen
kilos of marijuana. Since then Evinks has gone missing. The Martelly
government does not want coverage of the missing narco trafficker/Martelly
associate Daniel Evenks (sometimes spelled “Evinx”).
Other than a piece in the Sentinel, the Evinks
story has not been getting coverage in the international media and the
English speaking press, even though it is a big story in Haiti.
Evinks supposedly threatened to
talk if he was arrested and it has been reported that he met with the DEA
in late December and disappeared in early January.
The Martelly government does not
want this story coming out in the international press, especially in the
lead up to elections. They are rushing now to collect voter ID numbers and
telephone numbers as the "international community" is pushing
for them to finally think about an election. According to a well placed
source, Martelly's people by gathering voter IDs are then able to use
these to buy food kits (for distribution) from aid agencies and then resell them
to the Haitian government at double or triple the cost. This is one way in
which Martelly regime officials have been funneling money to themselves.
For more background on the
Dominique case see my 2007 interview with
IJDH attorney Brian Concannon and BAI attorney Mario Joseph on the Jean
Dominique murder investigation. Also listen to these recent talks on
Flaspoints radio for other perspectives. The flash points interviews
are especially important because they look critically at the source of the
recent allegations made against Myrlande
Liberis-Pavert, Aristide, and others. They also provide more historical
context.
Since 2004 Haiti's sovereignty
has been undermined. The post-coup regime and its allies ransacked
Aristide's house. For years they've had the best possible opportunity, and
ample incentive, to find any credible evidence against Aristide and not just
for Jean Dominique's murder but for countless other allegations that were made.
They've found nothing. They now resort to the same tactics of insinuation that
helped set up the 2004 coup that made Haiti safe for Jean Claude Duvalier's
return.
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